Sunday, March 15, 2020

A ROOM FULL OF LOVE Essays - Holocaust Literature, Night

A ROOM FULL OF LOVE' Essays - Holocaust Literature, Night A ROOM FULL OF LOVE' He was a great man. I wiped my eyes as I saw my beloved father's casket being lowered to the ground 6 feet below the ground that I stood on. The only family I had left, the only man whom I have ever loved is dead and gone. The tightening of my chest made it impossible for me to breathe - not that I wanted to breathe anymore. Later that night, I stood outside my father's room. My fingers lingered around the door knob, with a deep shaky breathe I opened it. As I flicked on the light switch, the chandelier that sloped on the ceiling bathed the room in bright golden light. The first thing that hit me was the earthy masculine scent of my father, it seemed as though he was still sitting right here in his armchair reading the newspaper with his reading glasses on. My knees felt wobbly as I walked towards his king size bed , the grey linen bedding reminding me of those lonely nights I had come up to sleep with him. As I sat on the unmade bed, my gaze fell on to the photo frame that sat on his bed side table-it was a picture of me and him on my graduation, his arms were around my shoulder and he had flashed the camera a toothy grin where his face wore a look of pride and joy. My trembling fingers passed through all the books that he had read, it was all neatly arranged in the wooden book shelf that stood opposite to the bed. Next to it stood the black leather coach, the very couch that my father and I would sit to watch to those late night baseball matches. As I sat on the couch, the memories came in like a whirlwind. I got up to open his wardrobe, where all this polo shirts were hung along with his office pants and coats which were all ironed to perfection, he would always dress up as he used to say "walk in style as your personality isn't the first thing the people notice." The wooden cabinet that laid next to it contained his most wanted and obsessed possession, his cigars. Even though that smell of smoke had once annoyed me - now it's like i need to breathe it in as it makes me feel like my dad's with me. On top of the cabinet, a painting that was very familiar to my eyes was hung on the cream wall , it was a picture of garden which was embedded with bright colored flowers -it was the last painting my mother had painted and my father had cherished it till his very last breathe. Next to it was a large framed picture of my mother's and father's wedding picture, where my mother was holding her bouquet and wearing the most beautiful smile on her face while my father looked at her with a look love. I looked around again at everything, a room filled with so much love, a room that will forever contain love. With a last glance I turned around and shut the door.

Thursday, February 27, 2020

Teamsters Union Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Teamsters Union - Research Paper Example Teamsters are several; reference can be made, as examples, to the following: a) Accounting and Budget; it covers the need of the organization in regard to the gathering, process and supply of financial data; b) Political Action; it deals with the arrangement of collective action against strategies and decisions that violate employees’ rights; c); Human Rights; it focuses on the development of plans for the limitation of discrimination in the workplace and d) Campaigns; it focuses on the planning and development of the organization’s campaigns around the world. The structure of the organization, as reflecting its administration, is presented in Graph 1 (Appendix). At top level, the administration of the organization is developed by its, two, ‘executive officers, i.e. the General President and the General Secretary’ (Teamsters, Structure); at the next level, the General Executive Board has the power to control all critical strategic decisions. At the community level, Teamsters is represented by Local Unions the activities of which are monitored by the organization’s Joint Councils. Further, officers are appointed in the Union’s various units for responding to the needs of members and affiliates (Teamsters, Structure). Also, the representatives of the organization ensure that the needs of members are covered at local level; in this way, time is saved in responding to emergent inquiries of members and affiliates (Teamsters, Structure). In order to become a member of the Union an individual has to sign a contract, which can cover the individual either locally, only in regard to one employer, or internationally, in all locations where the business operates. The amount that needs to be paid, for the membership to be completed, is estimated as a percentage of ‘2.5 times the hour – wage of the individual’ (Teamsters, Frequently Asked Questions). Existing members have the chance to enhance their powers within the Union by becoming a steward, with

Tuesday, February 11, 2020

Promotion Plans and Blends Part II Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Promotion Plans and Blends Part II - Assignment Example This is very important to do so as to ensure that it will not be applying the right solution for the wrong position. On technology, I strongly believe that apart from the use of social media which you elaborate, an alternative would be to use the company’s own website in a more interactive manner. Laureate Education. (Producer). (2013).  Daryl Travis: Positioning statements and branding  [Video Baltimore, MD Author]. Video posted to: https:/​/​​bbcswebdav/​institution/​USW1/​201520_02/​MS_WMBA/​WMBA_6060/​USW1_WMBA_6060_Week06_videoA.html I have a feeling that not only did you look at how different examples of promotions are blended by Hanes Company but you went a step further to look at the impact of blending different forms of promotion. This is because the use of television and promotional advertisement and emotional branding form two important and separate forms of promotion that could be said to be physiological and psychological (Perreault Jr., Cannon & McCarthy, 2014). Most certainly, I find this a very tactful and prudent way of attracting the promotional interest of as many people as possible. Having said this, I am of the opinion that there still remains a lot of potential in the use of social media in promotions that Hanes Company has not taken advantage of. Having social media platforms where the company can share its unique promotional blend with the public could be very

Friday, January 31, 2020

Presidential Campaign Policy Essay Example for Free

Presidential Campaign Policy Essay The 2008 presidential campaign will be remembered for the stark contrasts between the two candidates and their respective policies. Other than the obvious contrasts of race and age, John McCain and Barack Obama represent two very different philosophies of government. Two examples of this contrast are the domestic policy area of taxes and the foreign policy issue of the war on terror. John McCain, the Republican candidate, has proposed lowering the corporate tax rate from 35% to 25% (The McCain Economic Plan 6). This proposal reflects the traditional Republican philosophy which believes that lower tax rates for entrepreneurs, small businesses, and corporations will result in more jobs for working Americans, increased productivity, and, ultimately, in greater tax revenues. In addition to reducing taxes for corporations, McCain has also proposed reducing individual income taxes. Under the McCain plan, families with an annual family income of more than $2. 87 million would receive a 4. 4% decrease in taxes, or about $269,000 less in income taxes per year (Obama and McCain Tax Proposals). This income bracket represents the top 0. 1% of incomes in the United States. The average annual income in the United States is slightly less than $42,000 (World Bank, 12). Under the McCain Plan, an American with an average income would have his taxes reduced by 0. 7%, or $319 per year (Obama and McCain Tax Proposals). McCain has not always favored giving larger tax breaks to the wealthiest Americans and less generous tax breaks to the middle class. In 2001, McCain was one of two Republican senators to vote against the Bush tax cuts (Weisman A01). At that time, McCain argued that the country could not afford to give such large tax cuts without corresponding reductions in spending. McCain also expressed concerns about the lopsided nature of the Bush tax cuts, which gave the greatest tax relief to the wealthiest taxpayers and offered little reductions in taxes to middle class or low-income wage earners. In 2002, McCain said that he would like to see much more of this tax cut shared by working Americans. . . . I think it still devotes too much of it to the wealthiest Americans (McCain, quoted by Weisman A01). McCain changed his position on taxing working Americans at some time before March of 2008, when he voted with other Senate Republicans to continue the Bush tax cuts. Barack Obamas tax plan increases the amount of income tax paid by the wealthiest Americans and reduces, if only slightly, the amount of income taxes that would be paid by middle class families. Under the Obama plan, Families making more than $250,000 will pay either the same or lower tax rates than they paid in the 1990s (Barack Obamas Comprehensive Tax Plan). Families earning more than $287 million, which received a tax reduction of 4. 4% under the McCain plan, would face a tax increase of 11. 5% or $701,885 a year under the Obama plan (Obama and McCain Tax Proposals). An individual with an income of $42,000 would have a tax reduction of 2. 4% or $1,042 per year under the Obama plan (Obama and McCain Tax Proposals). In the March 2008 vote, Senator Obama voted with other Democrats to reject the Bush tax cuts. McCain has argued that economic growth should come from the top down, while Obama has argued that economic stability comes from the bottom up. The recent collapse of Wall Street and the government bailout of several banks and investment firms reinforces Obamas argument and weakens McCains position. McCain and Obama also have different views about the war on terror. McCain contends that the United States was correct in its decision to pursue Al Qaeda into Iraq and that the United States military should stay in Iraq until the insurgency has been brought under control and the Iraqi government no longer needs the support of the United States military (Strategy for Victory in Iraq). Obama has argued that the war in Iraq is a dangerous distraction from the pursuit of Al Qaeda in Afghanistan (Obama calls Iraq war a dangerous distraction'). Obamas position on the war in Iraq is consistent with his initial criticism of the decision to go to war in Iraq in 2002. At one time, Obama argued that the United States should have a clear deadline for the withdrawal of all troops from Iraq. Since that time, Obama has somewhat modified his position. While he is still calling for a reduction in troops with a goal of an eventual withdrawal by the summer of 2010, he has also acknowledged the need for a residual force (to) remain in Iraq and in the region to conduct targeted counter-terrorism missions against al Qaeda in Iraq and to protect American diplomatic and civilian personnel (War in Iraq). Obama noted that we must be as careful getting out of Iraq as we were careless getting in (War in Iraq). Obama has also tried to calm fears that he might be reluctant to use military force if necessary to defend the United States. Democrats have historically been viewed as being weak on national defense, which has traditionally been a strong issue for Republicans. While Obama has been critical of the war in Iraq, he has also argued strongly for increased troops in Afghanistan. Obama has also stated that, if necessary, he would pursue Al Qaeda into neighboring Pakistan, which is where he believes Osama bin Laden and other Al Qaeda members are hiding (War in Iraq). In these remarks, Obama has been more hawkish than McCain, who has warned against threatening Pakistan. John McCain has argued that the American strategy in Iraq is an important part of the overall war on terror. McCain has been consistent in his views of the war, even when his position was unpopular and could have potential cost him the nomination of his party (Page). McCains status as a former POW gives him a great deal of credibility in the area of military defense. McCain has argued against any type of scheduled withdrawal from Iraq, warning that any such timetable would provide an advantage to the insurgents in Iraq and to Al Qaeda forces. McCain has also acknowledged that American military forces may have to stay in Iraq for several years to ensure the stability of the region and to protect American interests. Although McCain has argued for the need for military action in Iraq and Afghanistan, he has also warned against making threats to Pakistan and other countries. Obamas argument about the war is weakened by his lack of experience and knowledge in foreign affairs, a fact that McCain likes to point out as often as possible. Obamas choice of Joe Biden as a running mate was no doubt intended, in part, to address these concerns about foreign affairs. His logic about who military forces should be used, however, is strong. It makes little sense to fight a war in Iraq when it is clear that the enemy is hiding in Afghanistan and Pakistan. McCains strength is in his knowledge of foreign affairs, firsthand knowledge and understanding of war, and in his commitment to protecting American lives and American interests. McCains position of experience, however, was weakened by his choice of an inexperienced running mate who has no knowledge of foreign affairs or national security.

Thursday, January 23, 2020

Temple of Luxor :: essays research papers

Ancient Egypt’s pyramids are the oldest and largest stone structure in the world. Along the Nile 35 major pyramids still stand. The three largest pyramids at Giza rank as one of the seven wonders of the Ancient World. It was on the list of notable things to see which was made up by the travelers during ancient times. The ancient Egyptians also built temples of limestone. They designed parts of the temples to resemble plants. Moreover, many of ancient Egypt’s finest paintings and other works of art were produced for tombs and temples. Ancient Egyptian sculptors decorated temples with carvings showing festivals, military victories, and other important events. Sculptors also carved large stone sphinxes. These statutes were supposed to represent Egyptian Kings or Gods and were used to Guard temples and tombs. The Temples were houses of worship. The word temple most often refers to Buddhist, Confucian, Hindu, Taoist, and ancient Near Eastern and European places of worship. Most Temples are built to honor god, a God, or many Gods. Many of these buildings are considered the homes of gods. Back then and still today worship at temples often involves traditional ceremonies and may include sacrifices. Certain temples stood on sacred sites. The design of numerous temples was symbolic. Luxor has often been called the â€Å"worlds greatest open air museum†, as indeed it is and much more. The number and safeguarding of the monuments in the Luxor area is said to be unparalleled then in any other part of the world. Actually, Luxor is really comprised of three different areas, consisting of the City of Luxor on the East side of the Nile, the town of Karnak just north of Luxor and Thebes, which the ancient Egyptians called Waset, which is on the west side of the Nile across from Luxor. The modern town of Luxor is home to 170,000 people in Egypt today. Luxor is the site of the ancient city of Thebes, which was the capital of Egypt from the 12th dynasty (1991 BC) and achieved its peak during the New Kingdom (1539 BC to around 700 BC). Although the mud brick palaces of Thebes have long disappeared, the stone temples have survived. The temple remained buried beneath the town of Luxor for thousands of years, and was not uncovered until a mosque was built on top of it. Now, the mosque remains an important part of the entire temple.

Tuesday, January 14, 2020

Afrikaner Nationalism Essay

Afrikaner people have, from the initial days felt threatened internal to their borders and externally. Sometimes the threat was real thus existing and other times it was an illusion. The fear of domination rose from the presence of a majority of what they labelled as undeveloped indigenous races all which were non-white (Wilson and Thompson, 365). With this fear rose nationalism. Afrikaner nationalism is a political ideology that was born in the late 19th century around the idea that Afrikaners in South Africa were a chosen people. It was also influenced by anti-British sentiments that grew among Afrikaners especially because of the Boer Wars which did more to unite Afrikanerdom and infuse it with purpose and determination (Wilson and Thompson, 367). The notion that Afrikaners are direct descendants of the Dutch are somewhat distorted. The Afrikaner nationalism places emphasis on the unity of all Afrikaans speaking white people, the Volk (folk – common people), against foreign elements such as blacks, Jews and English speaking South Africans. Another factor that held Afrikaner people together was that of Calvinism. Religion played an instrumental role in the development of nationalism. The Dutch Reformed Churches of South Africa throughout the 18th century were in a battle against modernism and modernity aligning themselves with views that divided the human race broadly into the elect and the rest (Wilson and Thompson, 371). These spheres led to belief that the State is divinely ordained and created and had to be preserved and protected from liberalism and revolutionary ideas (Wilson and Thompson, 372). Anyone seen to indulge in human rationality was seen as challenging God’s authority. This Christian-nationalistic ideology was tailored to fit Nationalist Afrikaner prejudices. In the 19th century Du Toit put forward the notion that Afrikaners were a distinct nationality with a fatherland (South Africa) and their own language (Afrikaans) and that the Volks’ destiny was to rule South Africa. Although there was never really an official relationship between the church and party, the church became in a sense the National  Party at prayer (Wilson and Thompson, 373). Afrikaners could thus refuse a British designed South Africa which they could co exist with other ethnic groups as a minority (Wilson and Thompson, 373-4). To them, as long as Afrikaner existed, as a minority in a racially and culturally different environment, they could not allow the black majority to develop economically or politically because this would lead to black domination. Afrikaner Nationalism had a personalized political philosophy. The Union of South Africa was created in 1910 (Wilson and Thompson, 377) and eight years after the 2nd Boer War, Hertzog broke ties with prime minister then , and formed the National Party in 1914. The media in those days had a party affiliated with it, hence Nationalist minded Afrikaners persuaded Malan to be an editor of their newspaper and thus he left his position as a church minister. A Cape branch of Hertzog’s National Party was founded in 1915 and Malan was elected as its provincial leader, elected to parliament in 1918. The National Party came in power in 1924, and Malan was Minister up until 1933 (Wilson and Thompson, 379). In 1934 the United Party was formed out of a merger between Hertzog’s National Party and rival, Jan Smuts with the South African Party. Malan strongly opposed the merger. He and nineteen other members of parliament formed the Purified National Party which he led for the next fourteen years as opposition. Malan also opposed the participation in WW2 which was already unpopular with the Afrikaner population (and led to the split in governing party) this dramatically increased his popularity and he consequently defeated the United party in 1948 in elections (in which only whites and coloreds could vote) (Wilson and Thompson, 380-7). Malan retired as leader in 1954, and the National Party chose Strydom as successor overriding Malan’s choice of placing Havenga as his successor. Choosing a non-Hertzog path, the National Party chose a path which Afrikaner Nationalism had to follow. Ossewabrandwag movement was formed largely on National Socialist lines which opposed South African entry in WW2 because of South Africa’s fight for independence from British rule. The movement emphasized national unity and was able to integrate a multitude of different nationalist organizations because it lacked a clear ideological profile. Only when leadership began to define ideology and had its own policy from 1941 onwards, did membership decline (Wilson and Thompson, 387). In the end, Malan outmaneuvered the movement and his rallying cry became that of bringing together all who from inner certainty, belong collectively. Nationalism was taken further at elections of 1953, 1958, 1961 and 1966 until Malan’s ideal had been realized (Wilson and Thompson, 388). However, there remained a small hard core Afrikaners who refused to throw their lot with Afrikaner nationalism thus internal political struggles in the disgruntled and essentially impoverished Afrikaner community. The tide however appeared to be flowing in favour of the more enlightened element in the National Party in the late 1960s (Wilson and Thompson, 390). This began the road to South Africa’s eventual isolation from a world that would no longer tolerate any forms of political discrimination or differentiation based on race only. Afrikaner Nationalism’s attitude to sovereign independence falls in two periods namely, the drive to attain dominion status and independence of Sout h Africa within the Commonwealth of Nations (Wilson and Thompson, 390-1). Hertzog led a freedom deputation in France to advocate for an independent reign of South Africa. An outcome for this task was a suggestion by the Federal Council of the Nation Party to recast the agenda of principles of the party in such a way that the sovereignty ideal was undoubtedly formulated. The party used constitutional means to be emancipated and handed rights to make decisions about the future of South Africa (Wilson and Thompson, 391). There was agitation from the Nationalist Party and Hertzog resisted it within ranks for secession from Britain after the First World War. Hertzog then entered into an election agreement with the Labour Party (supported by English speakers) and gave assurance that he would not withdraw from the Commonwealth. On the other hand, the Nationalist Party decided on a change of strategy in an effort to alleviate uncertainties of those South Africans that feared republicanism meant the dismissal of all ties of the Commonwealth (Wilson and Thompson, 393). After WW2, the demand for a return to a Kruger-type republic had been dropped with emphasis placed on South Africa’s relations with the rest of the world. Simultaneously, the internal colour problem had become extraneous in the face of more pressing issues (Wilson and Thompson, 394). Broederbond was a secret, exclusively male and white Protestant organization in South Africa dedicated to the advancement of Afrikaner interests. Their role in Afrikaner Nationalism was never possible to establish with exactness. The work of the  Bond was to maintain the unification of the Afrikaner members, recognising their language and cultural community (Wilson and Thompson, 395). Neither of the two leading Afrikaners of their day, Hertzog or Smuts, was considered eligible for membership of the Broederbond, for their policy of co-operation with the English speaking section of the population was felt to be inimical to the interests of the Afrikaner nation. Hertzog and Smuts had opposing opinions about the aims and activities of the organization. Smuts saw the organisation as a danger to the position of the country and the national policy as it only catered for the interests of a single resident and was not concerned in the interests of other inhabitants and the outcome was for Smuts to forbid any individual to become a member of the organisation. Hertzog was well aware of the scheming of the Broederbond behind the scenes, and in a forceful attack on the organization in a speech at Smithfield he stigmatized them as a grave menace to the rest and peace of our social community, even where it operates in the economic-cultural sphere (Wilson and Thompson, 397-8). Hertzog maintained that the establishment of the Bond organisation was caused by the refusing of the fusion of the National and South African Parties. The Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Organisation (F.A.K) was established in 1929 on Broedebond initiative which was to exercise an influential positive and creative image which impinged on the political sphere. The educational field was also vital as it was seen as a primary field of work in their attempt to build a nation in order to prevent the de-Afrikanerazation of the young. Division between Afrikaans and English speaking children was to be maintained in their education. An instruction of the mother tongue language secured the goal of the Afrikaner people’s motive to separate the two white groups with different mother tongues (Wilson and Thompson, 398-9). Economically, the F.A.K did significant work before and after WW2. Because of their work, Afrikaner Nationalism had been given further powerful foundation to provide it for the task of governing South Africa as the senior and dominant white partner (Wilson and Thompson, 400). In South Africa race is always equated with the colour of one’s skin. The race policy was implemented by the Afrikaner Nationalism to separate the populations according to their skin colour. The population Registration Act had definitions for each different race groups namely Whites, Coloureds, the Natives and the Indian person. They asserted that language and traditions  are to be in the blood of an individual (Wilson and Thompson, 403). In Nationalism’s black manifesto, Hertzog officially committed South Africa as a white man’s land. When Malan came to power in 1948, he abolished the Natives’ Representative Council claiming that it had become an anti-white forum. A party under chairmanship of Sauer produced a report in time of 1948 election which put in motion the word apartheid (Wilson and Thompson, 406). The application of segregation will furthermore lead to the creation of separate healthy cities for the non-whites where they will be in a position to develop along their own lines, establish their own institutions and later on govern themselves under the guardianship of the whites. Domination in South Africa was the purpose of the Afrikaner Nationalists to secure the safety of the white man. The survival of the white men meant that white men (White Afrikaners and English speaking whites) had to come together in order to fight the threat of the black people. BIBLIOGRAPHY Wilson, M. and Thompson, L. The Oxford History of South Africa. Oxford University Press.

Monday, January 6, 2020

Sociological Concepts Essay - 927 Words

SOCI 111 – Introduction to Sociology American Public University System Assignment 3: A Day in the Life 25 points Due: by 11:55 p.m. EST on the Sunday of Week 7 – submit in Sakai AND - submit using the assignment link under Assignments The purpose of this assignment is to record your life for one day and critically discuss how you are an actor in society; how you affect your social surroundings; and, how your daily life is shaped and constrained by society. This will allow you engage with many of the sociological concepts reviewed to-date including newer concepts such as impression management, stage theory and emotional labor. Explain why you needed to perform in such a way (i.e., your†¦show more content†¦your motives, instincts, feelings, and/or structural constraints) - a macro sociological analysis of ‘who you are’ and ‘where you are’ in society - your conclusion for this one-day life review journey The paper should be typed, double-spaced, 11-point font, 1† margins. Both the write-up and your typed journal should be saved as ONE document with page numbers. Remember to include a citation for any resources referenced, in proper APA format, and make sure your name is on your paper. Grading Rubric |CATEGORY |Outstanding |Above Average |Average |Below Average |Unacceptable | |Description of day |Description of day included |Description of day needed |Description of day lacked |Description of day not |No description of day | |(interlaced |good detail (3 pts) |some elaboration (2.4 pts) |clarity in some areas and |clear, needs much |included (0-1.5 pts) | |w/analysis) | | |needed elaboration. (2.1 |elaboration. (1.8 pt) | | | | | |pts) | | |Show MoreRelatedSociological Concepts Of Family, Gender, And Identity Essay1362 Words   |  6 PagesThis essay discusses the way in which I understand the sociological concepts of family, gender and race - nuclear family, doing gender, and identity, in particular. 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